“America Is Isolating Itself—Does This Toll the Death Knell for Free Trade?” reported Austria’s Der Standard with concern in a recent article. Confronted with Washington’s rising tariffs, cuts to international humanitarian aid, and tightening immigration policies, more and more countries are expressing unease—even fatigue—at what they see as America’s “island mentality.”
This “island mentality” stems from several factors: the geographic security provided by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, a long-standing sense of detachment from global conflicts, the country’s episodic involvement in world wars, and the cyclical swings of its domestic economy. Increasingly, international commentators argue that such an attitude not only weakens America’s global image and its leadership role in the world economy, but also undermines multilateral dialogue and the stability of global economic order.
“The only country where foreign tourist spending fell this year”
“America is becoming increasingly isolated as a result of its tariff hikes,” wrote the U.S. nonprofit Competitive Enterprise Institute this July. That same month, Spain’s El Confidencial described one of America’s most striking traits as precisely this “island mentality.” The paper argued that part of today’s global turmoil comes from Washington’s attempts to decouple or redefine its relations with other countries—seen in its tariff wars, its questioning of NATO’s principle of collective defense, efforts to shift the burden of aid to Ukraine onto Europe, and the cancellation of humanitarian assistance abroad.
The UK’s Financial Times noted that in recent years the U.S. economy has outperformed other advanced economies. It is home to the world’s leading tech companies, sits at the forefront of artificial intelligence research, fosters a culture of entrepreneurship, and continues to draw top foreign talent. “But what was true in the past may not hold in the future,” the paper warned. America’s public sector and university research capacity are facing difficulties, uncertainty hangs over whether skilled immigrants still see the U.S. as open to them, and doubts about policy consistency and the rule of law could make the country a less attractive destination for global investment.
Spain’s El Confidencial also reported that actions taken by the U.S. government at the national level are damaging its global image. American universities are facing funding cuts and reduced benefits, weakening their ability to attract international scholars. The government has revoked visas for students involved in pro-Palestinian protests, deported some African American citizens to El Salvador, Rwanda, or South Sudan, and deployed the Marine Corps to crack down on street protests in Los Angeles—dramatic scenes that are playing out on a daily basis.
Germany has voiced similar concerns. Die Zeit noted that after earlier decisions to withdraw from the World Health Organization and the UN Human Rights Council, Washington’s late-July announcement that it would also quit UNESCO “came as no surprise.” U.S. historian Donald Nieman told German broadcaster ZDF that such withdrawals represent “a sad step for the world” and weaken America’s influence on the global stage.
Germany’s Focus magazine published a comparison of U.S. and Chinese entry policies. The author, drawing from personal experience, wrote: “Although I hold a valid visa and valid documents, ever since Trump took office, every entry into the U.S. has carried the risk of being denied entry or even deported. After all, I spent three years at Harvard, a university that lost Trump’s support.” By contrast, the author noted, China has been steadily expanding its visa-free access, making it possible to travel there with “just a passport.” As a result, tourism to China is on the rise, while travel to the United States has seen a noticeable decline.
According to the World Travel & Tourism Council, among 184 countries surveyed, the United States will be the only one this year to record a decline in foreign tourist spending. Overall, international visitor numbers to the U.S. in 2023 stand at only 80% of 2019 levels.
This “unique island mentality” was noted as early as 2015, when a blogger from Madagascar described it on the U.S. platform Medium. The writer recounted repeated awkward encounters: whenever they mentioned being from Madagascar, Americans would ask, “Is that a real country? I thought it was just a movie.” When asked about its location and demographics, people would follow up with questions like, “Is it in India?” or “Are there a lot of Indians there?” Reflecting on their own upbringing—listening to American music, studying American geography, and growing up among peers who admired the U.S.—the author admitted to feeling disappointed and troubled.
The blogger concluded bluntly: “Ordinary Americans know very little about the outside world. As Nigerian playwright and Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka once said, America is the most isolated and least curious nation on earth.”
The Historical Roots of “American Exceptionalism”
America’s “island mentality” cannot be separated from its unique geography. As El Confidencial noted, the United States is not only vast and resource-rich but also shielded by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Many Americans show little inclination to explore other countries—immersed instead in their own history and culture, with the rest of the world perceived only as “vague images.” More importantly, with its natural strategic buffer zones, the U.S. was able from its founding era to remain distant from the wars and colonial conflicts that engulfed the Eurasian continent. This sense of detachment provided America with the security to turn inward and focus on domestic development.
The Office of the Historian at the U.S. State Department has published articles tracing the origins of American isolationism. As early as 1796, President George Washington in his farewell address made clear that America’s fate should not be entangled with that of other nations. In 1823, President James Monroe institutionalized this approach with the Monroe Doctrine, laying down the principle of “non-interference abroad and no foreign interference at home”—thus enshrining a national narrative of “American exceptionalism.”
During World War I, President Woodrow Wilson argued for U.S. intervention and the establishment of a world peace order. Yet the bitter cost of American involvement ultimately strengthened the case of isolationists, who argued that the U.S. had borne disproportionate sacrifices for negligible gains. The isolationist camp itself was diverse—progressives and conservatives, business elites and pacifists alike. With internationalists lacking organization and consensus, isolationism for a time held sway in Congress.
By the 1930s, under the twin pressures of the Great Depression and the searing memory of World War I, both public opinion and policy shifted further toward isolationism. As domestic problems mounted, the sentiment of “let others fend for themselves” spread widely across the U.S. In 1933, Republican Senator Gerald Nye released a widely circulated report claiming that American bankers and arms manufacturers had driven the country into World War I for profit—a view that resonated with the public. In 1934, the book Merchants of Death, exposing how munitions makers profited by pulling America into war, became popular. The following year, Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler’s pamphlet War Is a Racket further inflamed public anger and suspicion toward “war profiteers.”
By 1937, as war clouds gathered over Europe and Japan launched its full-scale invasion of China, President Franklin D. Roosevelt for the first time described international aggression as a “contagion” in a public address, calling for the “quarantine” of aggressor states. Yet the American public still showed little willingness to sacrifice lives and wealth for peace abroad. When World War II broke out in Europe in 1939, public opinion began to soften, but most Americans still favored neutrality, supporting only limited aid to the Allies. It was not until December 1941, when Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor inflicted heavy U.S. casualties, that American outrage boiled over, driving the country into full participation in the war.
However, whenever the costs of international intervention proved too high or domestic tensions escalated, isolationism resurfaced. The 9/11 attacks, along with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, profoundly reshaped American tolerance for overseas engagement. During Donald Trump’s first term, the slogan “Make America Great Again” marked the populist revival of isolationist thinking in mainstream politics. From the Obama administration’s “strategic patience,” to Trump’s “withdrawal diplomacy,” and then to Biden’s exit from Afghanistan coupled with his firm support for Ukraine, America’s willingness to engage globally has oscillated repeatedly.
Against this backdrop, the “America First” slogan took root, framing international aid, military interventions, and even climate cooperation as “external burdens.” Some analysts argue that isolationism today is no longer merely a geographical or strategic stance but has become a mobilizable “weapon of public opinion.” According to Germany’s Telekom Politik, the real driver of U.S. isolationism lies in the belief among many citizens that America’s outward-facing economy and growing globalization have fueled deindustrialization and deepened social inequality—sentiments that Trump’s rhetoric tapped into directly.
“Giving the rest of the world incentives to seek new cooperation”
“America is isolating itself—is this the death knell for free trade?” Austria’s Der Standard asked. The article argued that by launching trade wars across the globe, the U.S. risks “self-isolation,” a trend that is encouraging other regions to strengthen cooperation among themselves. For example, ties between Canada and Europe have deepened. Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post reported that due to Washington’s pattern of “hurting others while demanding loyalty,” U.S.-Africa relations have soured, with African nations increasingly turning toward China.
Ruchir Sharma, chairman of Rockefeller International and author of What Went Wrong with Capitalism, wrote earlier this year in the Financial Times that in response to America’s tariff policies, many countries have refrained from retaliation, instead seeking to expand trade with other partners. Since 2017, world trade has maintained a share of about 60% of global GDP. However, with Asia, Europe, and the Middle East accounting for a growing portion, trade involving the U.S. has declined significantly. As Sharma put it: today, “the world continues to trade, but increasingly without America.”
Moreover, America’s dominant role in the global economy is gradually weakening. According to Germany’s e-fundresearch, during the 1990s and early 2000s, the United States—“by virtue of a rules-based international economic order”—enjoyed “an enviable position” as not only the world’s largest economy but also both “the most important player” and “the most important referee.” Today, however, Washington’s isolationist policies are eroding its significance in the global economy, potentially undermining the dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency and reducing its appeal to international investors.
Earlier this year, Egyptian liberal scholar Mohamed Nosseir wrote in Europe’s Modern Diplomacy that while America’s political elite often proclaim their nation’s “supremacy,” their actions frequently undercut its credibility. U.S. policies, vague and self-interested, combined with a selective application of so-called “principles,” are steadily weakening its international reputation.
The article argued that although America wields considerable soft power—through cultural exports, technological innovation, the dominance of English, and ideological influence—its double standards and unilateral actions are putting these advantages at risk. The United States has limited understanding of the complex cultures and dynamics of nearly 200 countries worldwide, making it difficult to craft targeted solutions. Instead, it often relies on prepackaged approaches that clash with its hegemonic mindset and self-interest. While the U.S. maintains over 750 military bases across more than 80 countries—by far the largest network in the world—without a clear strategic purpose or operational framework, these outposts risk becoming a heavy burden that sustains outdated ambitions of dominance.
Japanese media outlets have similarly noted that isolationism has long been a tradition in America. U.S. conservatives often view international politics “as a jungle,” where peace is ultimately achieved through strength rather than international organizations, treaties, or collective security arrangements. Analysts warn that if Washington continues to overemphasize “America First,” it could erode the foundations of global cooperation—damaging not only America itself but also U.S.-Japan relations, as well as multilateral dialogue and the stability of the world economic order.
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